02:45 GMT 21st December 2011
Following the botched 2008 poll, Zimbabweans have been yearning for a genuinely free and fair election. The Southern Africa Development Community (Sadc)-brokered global political agreement (GPA) between the ruling party and the MDC was widely expected to yield this outcome. Among the GPA provisions was the constitution making process, anticipated to be completed within two years, the depoliticisation of the security sector, and measures to support national healing and reconciliation.
Adding to the mood of optimism was Sadc's involvement. After a period of ineffective diplomacy, Sadc has acted with the independence expected of it. At the Sadc troika meeting in Zambia in March, it rejected Zanu's claims that the country was ready to hold elections.
'Summit noted with grave concern the polarisation of the political environment as characterised by, inter alia, resurgence of violence, arrests and intimidation in Zimbabwe,' it said in a communique. Zimbabwe was urged implement all GPA provisions necessary for the holding of a free and fair election and eschew all forms of violence and intimidation.
The troika's position was reiterated at the Sadc extraordinary summit of heads of state and government in June in South Africa when it was mandated to assist Zimbabwe in the full implementation of the GPA. This included appointing representatives to participate in the GPA's joint monitoring and implementation committee (JOMIC).
'This is a landmark development ... Sadc must not be bullied into backing off on its firm stand on the need for complete implementation of all provisions of the GPA,' said Dewa Mavhinga, regional coordinator of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, made up of 70 Zimbabwean civic organisations.
But Zanu (PF) had a different view. In April, President Mugabe told the party's central committee that it would 'not brook any dictation from any source' and that as a sovereign country, Zimbabwe 'will resist any dictation'. He added, 'The facilitator must only facilitate dialogue without prescribing anything.'
Zanu then pushed for the removal of South Africa's President Zuma as Sadc facilitator in attempts to resolve the Zimbabwean crisis. But, as reported in the September issue of NeJvsAfrica, Sadc resisted this manoeuvre during its August meeting when Zuma described Zimbabwe's political situation as 'poisoned'.
Reforms necessary for free and fair elections either move at a snail's pace or do not move at all, while calls for the military's exist from partisan electoral politics have been completely ignored. Patrick Chinamasa, one of Zanu's GPA negotiators, dismissed security sector reform as a non-negotiable. The party has also resisted the reconfiguration of Zimbabwe's elections management body, the Zimbabwe Elections Commission (Zec), which, according to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, 'needs to be cleansed of Zanu PF mess'.
While a sizeable number of private newspapers have been licensed to operate, the country's media environment largely remains restrictive. This is particularly true of the broadcasting sector. 'Radio is the most effective medium of communication in Zimbabwe. As long as the broadcasting sector remains closed, there is no free and fair election to think of,' Nhlanhla Ngwenya, director of the Media Institute of Southern Africa-Zimbabwe Chapter, recently said.
Current attempts at licensing two commercial radio stations are being viewed with suspicion as the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (Baz), comprises commissioners with a track record of political partisanship. Baz chair Tafataona Mahosois is viewed in private media circles as media hangman, having presided over the closing down of a number of publications including The Daily NeJJJS and the weekly Tribune. When The Daily Ne1vs applied for relicensing, the High Court instructed that Mahoso be removed from the process on conflict of interest grounds.
Zimbabwe's vote register is also not in a sound state. According to a recent report by the Zimbabwe Election Support Network, it still contains numerous deceased, "ghost'' and under-age voters. The register is also under the custody of Tobaiwa Mudede, the register general (RG), who is considered a Zanu (PF) sympathiser. 'It is interesting, suspicious and telling that Tobaiwa Mudede continues to be RG, despite going way past the civil service's compulsory retirement age,' remarked Derek Matyszak, of the Harare-based Research and Advocacy Unit.
Failure to act on concerns over the security sector, the media and the voter register underminess electoral reforms being promulgated through the Electoral Amendment Bill, recently approved by cabinet. Among other things, the Bill seeks to empower Zec to set up special courts to try election candidates, agents or parties implicated in perpetrating political violence.
It introduces polling station based voters' registers and limits the postal ballot system to uniformed officers outside the country on state duty. Against a backdrop of the dearth of broader reforms, the Bill has been seen as mere window-dressing designed to mislead Sadc into believing that Zimbabwe is on the road to political normalisation.
Meanwhile, violence and intimidation continue to spread. On November 10, police raided Harvest House, the MDC headguarters, arresting activists selling the party's regalia.
On the previous weekend, following the banning of several MDC rallies in the Matebeleland region, Zanu PF youths attacked MDC staffers as they organised a rally in Chitungwiza, just outside Harare. Members of the public were assaulted with iron bars, machetes, stones and other crude weapons.
The ongoing thuggery points to how the national healing and reconciliation process is going nowhere, despite the Zanu (PF) and the MDC both signing a code of conduct denouncing violence.
The situation has not been helped by the on-off constitution making process, which has been all but hijacked in Zanu (PF)'s favour. In January, Douglas Mwonzora, one of the co-chairs of the constitution select committee, was mentioned in a report that implicates the Central Intelligence Organisation in tampering with the constitution-making data to suit Zanu PF interests.
With accusations and counter-accusations, the process is way behind schedule. Going by the rate of progress opposition politician and industry and commerce minister, Welshman Ncube, says elections can only be possible after January 2013. President Mugabe, however, says elections must be held by March next year.
Although Tsvangirai has indicated he is prepared to go along with Mugabe on holding elections sooner, the prospect of a free and fair poll seem remote.
As Professor Eldred Masunungure of the University of Zimbabwe said, 'What we can only have in these circumstances is another contested election that legitimises authoritarianism.'
Dr Ibboh Mandaza of the Southern Africa Political and Economic Series Trust concurs, 'The longer the elections are delayed the better,' he said early last month. 'Concentration must be on rebuilding national institutions to, among other things, ensure that the security sector does not participate in partisan electoral politics.'
A slither hope for the future remains but this depends on both Mugabe and Tsvangirai foregoing their egos and committing themselves to the genuine reform of institutional frameworks that promote democracy and prosperity.
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